https://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/issue/feedAmerican Journal of Islam and Society2024-12-26T13:05:32+00:00AJIS Editorial Teameditor@ajis.orgOpen Journal Systems<p>Established in 1984, the American Journal of Islam and Society (AJIS) is an open-access, biannual, double-blind peer-reviewed and interdisciplinary journal with global reach, published by the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), and distributed worldwide.</p>https://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3322The Mazrui Dynasty2024-12-23T18:45:48+00:00Mohamed Aliomalio@mku.ac.ke<p>The Islamic presence in East Africa goes back to the Umayyad Caliphate, when the Omani al-Julandi family moved from Oman to East Africa for political and economic reasons. This movement was followed by other migrations from Southern Arabia. This led to the appearance of Muslim settlements and dynasties along the East African coastal region, which played a pivotal role in preaching Islam and introducing Arabian culture to the local communities. One of the Omani dynasties that established themselves along the East African coast was the Mazrui Dynasty, which ruled East Africa between 1741 and 1837. Though a number of studies have been conducted on the history of Islam in East Africa, the Swahili people, the Mazrui Dynasty and its descendants’ prominent scholars, there is still a further need to discuss the Mazrui Dynasty in particular and their efforts on spreading Islam in East Africa. This study demonstrates the contributions of the Mazrui Dynasty to the spreading of Islam in East Africa by shedding light on the origins of Mazrui family, why they immigrated to East Africa, how the Dynasty was established in Mombasa while also examining some of the most important aspects of the promotion Islam in East Africa. The study demonstrates the significant interactions between Islamic<br />civilization and East African societies throughout the era of the Mazrui Dynasty, which promoted the expansion of Islam and Arabian culture across the region.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3168Tackling Displacement2024-12-23T18:40:01+00:00Shahzar Raza Khanshahzarrazakhan@gmail.com<p>Akbar Allahabadi (1846-1921) was an influential Muslim Urdu-Persian poet of colonial India.1 He was born in 1846 in a town near Allahabad as Syed Akbar Hussain, and he belonged to a socially affluent family that had migrated from Iran.2 In keeping with the practices of the time, he learned Arabic and Persian in Allahabad, where his mother had moved in 1855.3 The name of the city then became the surname by which he is known. In 1856, he also enrolled in the Jumna Mission School, though he dropped out before completing his studies in 1859.4 Meanwhile, he managed to learn English, which enabled him to study Western philosophy and ensured that he could, with ease, frequently use English words and idioms in his Urdu poetry. He took up a clerkship in a government office after leaving school5 and, in 1866, passed an exam to become a barrister.6 After two years, in 1868, he became a Tahsildar (sub-district collector), qualifying as a lawyer at the High Court in 1874.7 Finally, in 1880, he became a Sessions Court Judge, a position he would hold until 1903, when he retired due to worsening eye-sight.8 This would also be the height of his professional career, and the title of Khan Bahadur was awarded to him by the British Government for his services in 1895.9 After his retirement he resided in Allahabad until his passing in 1921.10</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3355Integrating Kashmir: Modernity, Development and Sedimented Narratives2024-12-23T18:45:46+00:00Iymon Majidiymonmajid@gmail.com<p>How to make sense of the politics and history of Kashmir since decolonization? Two new important books deal with this question and provide a detailed account of what is/was happening in Kashmir—one of the most densely militarized regions in the world with a long history of a self-determination movement. For many years now, and these two books are part of that conversation, scholars have centered Kashmir in their analysis instead of fixating on the dispute between India and Pakistan or the internationalisation of the conflict. This change has brought new perspectives and conceptual categories to study the region. This is a much-needed corrective especially considering that scholarly work on Kashmir has relied on the ‘nation-state’ framework for too long.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3525Political Loyalty in Reformist Islamic Ethics2024-12-23T18:39:50+00:00Abdessamad Belhajbelhaj.abdessamad@uni-nke.hu<p>This article critically examines three authoritative Islamic discourses on political loyalty produced by prominent figures of Sunni reformist Islam: The Egyptian-Qatari Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī (1926-2022), the Mauritanian ʿAbdallāh b. Bayyah (b. 1935), and the Iraqi-Qatari ʿAlī al-Qaradāghī (b. 1949). First, I analyze the key arguments presented in each discourse: al-Qaradāghī advocates that allegiance is determined by fairness, whereas al-Qaraḍāwī retains a realist perspective on loyalty in context, while ʿAbdallāh b. Bayyah argues for a complementary relationship between loyalty to religion and to the homeland. Second, I discuss the three discourses in terms of the foundations, manifestations, and implications for political loyalty. Finally, I point out some of the limitations of the reformist notion of political loyalty toward non-Muslims, particularly in pluralist societies.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3291Justice and the Just Ruler in the Islamic Mirror of Princes2024-12-23T18:39:57+00:00Fadi Zatarifadi.zatari@izu.edu.trOmar Filiomar.fili@std.izu.edu.tr<p>This article aims to understand the main characteristics of the concept of justice in the works of al-Ādāb al-Sulṭānīyah (Islamic advice literature). First, the article explores the modernist critique of the classical understanding of justice, which claims a preponderance of tyranny in pre-modern Muslim political thought. Modernist critics argue that pre-modern Muslim political thought lacked a proper definition of justice, and simply aimed to legitimize the authoritarian status-quo. Second, the article will analyze the primary sources in al-Ādāb al-Sulṭānīyah literature to understand of how it conceptualized good governance and justice. The article aims to liberate the study of classical Islamic sources from the modernist lens of analysis so it can be understood on its own terms. This article argues<br />that the al-Ādāb al-Sulṭānīyah literature is misunderstood and many political and ethical principles are missed due to unsound approaches. The article seeks to show that al-Ādāb al-Sulṭānīyah not only gave a clear definition of justice, but also integrated it into a broader conceptual system of political definitions that was meant to be a practical guide to good governance.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3461Popular Religious Preaching as Informal Education and its Impact on Medieval Islamic Culture2024-12-23T18:39:52+00:00Hatim MahamidHatim_Mahamid@hotmail.comYounis Abu Alhaijaaboelhi5@gmail.com<p>This study examines popular preaching in medieval Islamic culture, which served as a form of mass education for the public. Public assemblies (<em>majālis</em>) and gatherings were organized by scholars on their initiative of scholars, or by rulers for various purposes. The assemblies took the form of a sermon (<em>khuṭba</em>), preaching (<em>wa‘ẓ</em>), da‘wa, dhikr with a Sufi shaykh, or as a part of a visit (<em>ziyāra</em>) to a shrine of a righteous person. Assemblies and gatherings were held in mosques, in the courts of rulers, or in public places. The goals of these gatherings depended on the desires of their organizers, the time and place in which they were held, and the religious or social events for which they were arranged. Therefore, the nature of gatherings tended toward religious preaching, the personal interest of the organizers, propaganda, political activities, critique and oversight, and sometimes as a form of celebration or leisure. By means of<br />these assemblies, some leaders enhanced their status, as well as garnering greater publicity from among the general population. The gatherings displayed the level of knowledge among the educated and among the ‘ulamā’. In addition to the stated objectives of holding these assemblies, this study shows that the primary objective centered on the preserving of Islamic values and moral rules.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3561Collective Ijtihad: Regulating Fatwa in Postnormal Times2024-07-03T13:39:02+00:00Shiraz Khanshiraziiit@gmail.com<p>In this book, Hossam Sabry Othman examines the relationship between fatwa issuance, maslahah, and the application of collective or deliberative ijtihad (ijtihad jama’i) in the modern context. Othman compares contemporary models of decision-making to traditional mechanisms, as well as analysing the role that jurists (muftis, mujtahids and imams) play in shaping fatwa rulings and final outcomes. While fatwas are technically non-binding, in reality such is the trust and respect that Muslims have for jurists and the institutions that issue them, that they play an important role in shaping Muslim opinion and religious and social norms in the modern context. Othman calls for a reassessment of current institutional practices, contending that Muslim societies need not be vulnerable to the demands of a media driven, technocratic age. Instead, in the interests of a healthy functioning society, the issuance of fatwas should be done in a<br />manner cognizant of the wider modern context, incorporating specialist knowledge, and take in the cultural diversity that exists within the wider ummatic identity. Additionally, for Othman a significant element of the current context is the need to move beyond a simple weighing of matters in terms of their harm and benefits, and to apply the important legal principle of maslahah in a more comprehensive manner that takes into account the maqasid al-shariah in its assessments.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3361Slavery & Islam2024-12-23T18:39:54+00:00Anggi Azzuhrianggi.azzuhri@uiii.ac.id<p>The Euro-American Enlightenment has reformed global moral norms. This reform has provoked humanity to rethink many issues that had been normalized but were nevertheless still moral problems (Hallaq 2019). This notion applies to many civilizational aspects, but especially the issue of slavery. Some might question why such an immoral institution was seemingly casually practiced in the past without significant opposition. Not only in a particular society, but it seems that the majority—without wishing to generalize—of societies historically accepted slavery as a normal practice. This is the question that provokes Jonathan Brown to reassess the issue of slavery. In particular, this inquiry was provoked following the declaration in 2014 by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant / the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIL/ISIS) that the reintroduction of concubinage was legitimate. Following this move, for some the<br />topic of slavery and concubinage came to be identified as a fundamental Islamic teaching.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3535Islam and Democracy in the 21st Century 2024-05-31T11:35:52+00:00Owais Manzoor Darowaismanzoordar188@gmail.com<p>The discourse on the relationship between Islam and democracy has been thrust into the limelight amidst the backdrop of the “War on Terror.” From this ongoing dialogue, three overarching perspectives have emerged, each shedding a unique light on this complex nexus: Firstly, there is the belief that Muslim societies inherently lack the capacity to cultivate a liberal culture, thereby hindering the attainment of democracy in Muslim-majority nations. This viewpoint is often propelled by Western media narratives. Contrastingly, a second perspective asserts that democracy not only aligns with Islamic principles but contends that historical Islamic polities have exemplified democratic values more profoundly than any other system worldwide. Lastly, a third viewpoint dismisses democracy as a foreign concept, incompatible with the Islamic tradition, and inherently Western in nature. These last two perspectives find resonance within Muslim intellectual circles.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3257The Exceptional Qur’ān: Flexible and Exceptive Rhetoric in Islam's Holy Book2023-05-21T19:20:31+00:00Ab Majeed Ganaieabmajeedkmr001@gmail.com<p>Johanne Louise Christiansen’s The Exceptional Qur’ān: Flexible and Exceptive Rhetoric in Islam’s Holy Book offers a lucid study of Qur’ānic exceptions and flexibilities. The book begins with a critical discussion of the Muslim creed. In the Introduction, the author argues that “the exceptive particle illā (‘except,’ ‘but,’ or ‘unless’) found in the Shahādah , is neither an exception nor a general or absolute denial” (1). However, she claims this exception is false because it is “self-contradictory” and “paradoxical in nature.” This discussion includes a claim that authoritative scholars of the Muslim tradition, such as al-Qurṭubī (d. 671/1272), did not consider such exceptions to be a comprehensive and absolute exception, but rather to represent a categorical proposition or argument. The book consists of seven chapters and an Introduction. In the Introduction, Christiansen highlights the categorical or absolute aspects of exception in the Qur’ān.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thoughthttps://mail.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/3657Editorial Note2024-10-21T13:29:38+00:00David Warrendavid.warren@wustl.edu<p>This issue of the <strong><em>American Journal of Islam and Society</em></strong> (Volume 41 Nos. 3-4) comprises three main research articles, which respectively engage with the themes of political loyalty, justice and the just ruler, and popular preaching. We begin with Abdessamad Belhaj’s study, “Political Loyalty in Reformist Islamic Ethics: Resources and Limits.” We then turn to Fadi Zatari and Omar Fili’s contribution, “Justice and the Just Ruler in the Islamic Mirror of Princes.” For our third research article for this issue, we have Hatim Mahamid and Younis Abu Alhaija’s work, “Popular Religious Preaching as Informal Education and its Impact on Medieval Islamic Culture.”</p> <p>This issue of the <strong><em>AJIS</em></strong> also includes several book reviews, including Iymon Majid’s review essay “Integrating Kashmir.” Majid’s essay considers two recently published and important works, Shahla Hussain’s Kashmir in the Aftermath of Partition and Hafsa Kanjwal’s Colonizing Kashmir: State-Building under Indian Occupation.</p> <p><strong><em>AJIS</em> </strong>Volume 41 Nos. 3-4 ends with two insightful forum pieces. The first is Mohamed Alio’s contribution, “The Mazrui Dynasty: Serving Islam in East Africa” and the second is Shahzar Raza Khan’s piece on the famous Urdu poet Akbar Allahabadi.</p>2024-12-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 International Institute of Islamic Thought